Vagantes 2012 Program

1.    “Intimate Difference:  Extimité in the Foundational Christian Narratives of John Gower’s Confessio Amantis”
Emily Houlik-Ritchey, Indiana University, Department of English

My paper, which comes from a chapter of my dissertation, argues that intimate difference informs John Gower’s account of history—specifically religious history—in the Confessio Amantis.  His narrative of the Age of Steel in the Confessio’s Prologue confronts readers with an extimate Rome, revealing a strange otherness that resides at the heart of Christianity’s historical narrative.  Gower’s concern with unity and distrust of fragmentation leads him to hold up Rome (of the past) as a symbol of unified political and spiritual might. Yet Gower’s Rome is already a site of an irreducible strangeness lodged at the originating moment of Christendom’s political and spiritual strength.  My paper will analyze three brief narratives of Rome from the Prologue and Book Two of Gower’s Confessio and argue that Gower’s Rome is a site of fantasized and symbolic Christian unity, strength, and endurance founded upon a kernel of difference.  Gower fantasizes difference in order to deal with the anxieties and desires that extimité provokes, and such fantasies touch not only on Rome, but on Gower’s representations of Christians’ religious and cultural neighbors:  in particular, on the Saracen.  I will show how Gower weaves together fantasies of Rome, fantasies of non-Christians, and fantasies of political conquest in order to meditate on the intimate and fraught relationship between familiarity and foreignness. 

2.  The Prioress, “our blissful Mayden free” and the not-all: A Psychoanalytic Rethinking of Anti-Semitism in the Prioress’s Tale
Jerrell Allen, Indiana University, Department of English
Chaucer’s the Prioress’s Tale has long troubled Chaucerian critics interested in its peculiar intersections of love and anti-Semitism.  More than being another example of the popular blood-libel genre, the tale presses on issues of the limits of Christian love, the relationship between language the divine and the other.  Kenneth Reinhard, Slavoj Zizek , and Eric Santner’s The Neighbor: Three Inquires in Political Theology proposes a third category with which to address the critical self/other dichotomy which has defined the prevailing discourse of subjectivity.  The “neighbor” is a particularly useful term with which to investigate medieval modes of piety and  subjectivity. : Out of this project emerges Reinhard’s concept of the “not-all,” which he sees as a radical ethical topos with the potential to complicate this reductive binary. 

This “not-all,” I will contend, is made manifest in Chaucer’s work through an ambivalent relationship between sovereignty and language which finds its greatest expression in the figure of the Prioress.  The Prioress focuses intense devotion on the Virgin Mary, a kind of sovereign “mother” who defies easy classification within a theoretical framework which privileges the “law of the Father.”  To this end, I hope to explore Mary and the Prioress’s complex relationship with language (the Symbolic), more specifically spoken language. To this end, I offer a psychoanalytic reading of the Prioress’s Tale inflected with these ideas about the political and aesthetic potential of the neighbor. In doing so, I will draw on theological discourses and historical evidence of shifting devotional practices to contend that the Prioress occupies a space of exception significantly linked to the special sovereignty which the cult of Mary imbues to the mother of God.

3.  Hālnes and hǽlþ:Anglo-Saxon Bodily Wellness
Erin Sweany, Indiana University, Department of English

In the study of Anglo-Saxon medicine, the absence of theoretical medical texts has led many to believe that the Anglo-Saxons had no coherent concept of disease. In the absence of theoretical texts one must rely on other sources and methods. One way to explore Anglo-Saxon disease is to consider the nature of Anglo-Saxon wellness. This paper will explore the nature of Anglo-Saxon health as wholeness while gesturing towards the significance that such a study has for understanding the Anglo-Saxon epistemology of disease.

Since most of the surviving mentions of wellness relate to the health of the soul, it is not clear what constituted a healthy Anglo-Saxon body.  This paper will use the Old English poem Soul and Body and Old English medical texts to explore Anglo-Saxon bodily wellness.       

Studies of Soul and Body have focused on a variety of topics but because the poem has a strong Christian message, scholars have not previously considered the significance of the description of the physical body in the poem in the medical context that I am interested in. The body is graphically described as being taken apart by grave worms (they chew, tear, and rip the body); this elaborate description and the soul’s abhorrence of this breakdown, suggests an Anglo-Saxon anxiety about the loss of bodily integrity.

This anxiety, coupled with the evidence from Old English medical texts, suggests an intriguing and complex view of the body as a collective of parts – all of which must be strong and well in order to ensure that the body remains healthy. Health is, to the Anglo-Saxons, a unique kind of wholeness, one that is curiously expressed in the medical texts by focusing on the parts of the whole. By exploring this conception of bodily wholeness, we will be better equipped to understand the nature of disease (and even of medicine) in Anglo-Saxon culture.

4.  What the Body Said: The Corpse-as-Text in St. Erkenwald
Erin Kissick, Purdue University, Department of  Medieval Literature

The medieval interest in the proper burial of corpses such that all social markers remain intact, as well as the insistence on the immutability of the bodies of saints suggests a deep concern for the legibility of the body even after death. Many hagiographic texts include an episode in which the body of a saint or other holy individual is recovered, intact, undecayed and easily identifiable, while the bodies of other saints are found to be physically inscribed with the name of Christ or other holy symbols. The alliterative poem St. Erkenwald undermines these expectations of legibility and sanctity, by presenting the audience of this particular hagiography with an uncorrupted corpse that is neither saintly nor legible. Even with the aid of the surviving social markers attached to the grave and a library full of written histories, the saint who encounters the body is unable to read the text of the corpse without divine intervention. Then, at the moment that the body finally does become saved and sanctified, it disintegrates into ash, seemingly severing the connection between holiness and legibility. This paper will consider how the speaking corpse of the pagan judge should be read, especially in light of the hagiographic context and medieval theological writings on the resurrection of the body.

5.  Necessary Imperfection:  The Body of Sainte Marie l’Egyptienne
Amy Lynn Conrad, Indiana University, Department of French and Italian

Female saints are often represented as having lived lives of perfect virtue, refusing to marry a pagan husband and ultimately being martyred for their refusal to relinquish their faith or virginity.  However, some saints are canonized not because of their steadfast faith, but because of their journey and transformation from a state of abject sin to one of complete holiness.  This paper seeks to examine the role of the body and its relationship to the world around it in the “vie de sainte” of Marie l’Egyptienne, who is an excellent example of a female saint who begins life as a sinner and transforms her body into something holy.  This presentation will focus on the version of Marie l’Egyptienne’s life written by Rutebeuf in the 13th century, but will also bring in elements of other versions and of the stories of other female saints who transform their bodies for comparison.  In Rutebeuf’s story, Marie l’Egyptienne undergoes a variety of corporeal alterations in her journey toward repentance and toward sainthood, and in particular there is an element of masculinization that can be found as a common thread among several medieval female saints.

6.  Editing “Edmund, King and Martyr”:  Ælfric’s Anglicization of Hagiography
Benjamin W. Potmesil, Eastern Illinois University, Department of English

While depicting Christian saints is certainly not unique to Old English literature, the presence of a hagiographic tradition within its corpus offers a variety of possibilities for academic investigation by editors of Old English texts.    In particular, this inquiry raises the questions:   why were Christian religious texts, traditionally affiliated with Latin during the Anglo-Saxon period, written in Old English?   What reason did the authors of these texts have for presenting their saints’ lives in Old English, rather than the language of the church?   Were they attempting to put their hagiographies to a broader use within Anglo-Saxon culture?  

While investigating these questions, I have found that one particular set of hagiographies, Ælfric of Eynsham’s Lives of the Saints, has features that suggest Ælfric crafted his saints’ lives to resonate with the English people and to respond to the religious and social issues they were encountering in their daily lives.   Of particular interest is Ælfric’s “Edmund, King and Martyr.”   Significantly, Ælfric claims the work is a translation of an earlier Latin text, Abbo of Fleury’s “Passio sancti Eadmundi.”   By examining the textual differences between Ælfric’s translation of “Edmund” and the original “Eadmundi,” one can investigate the decisions he makes and the ramifications of these textual changes. Such analysis suggests Ælfric’s awareness of a need among the English people to define both themselves and proper religious behavior within the context of a larger, medieval world.    Ælfric attempts to meld the Old English heroic ethos with Christian imagery to represent the continual evolution and blending of pagan and Christian culture within England.    Additionally Ælfric spends time focusing on connecting the English saints to one another and to England’s history.   As a result of these efforts, Ælfric creates and presents a unified view of England that validates the English position within the Christian world.

7.  The case of a married female saint: Rutebeuf’s Saint Elizabeth of Hungary
David K. Wagner, Indiana University, Department of French and Italian

Rutebeuf’s La Vie de Sainte Elysabel, written around 1270, retells the story of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary, who was canonized in 1235.  Two factors distinguish this tale from many other saints’ lives.  First, Rutebeuf uses contemporary source material from Elizabeth’s canonization hearings to write his text.  These documents include the Summa Vitae, written by her confessor, and the Dicta Quatuor Ancillarum, written by her servants.  Both of these texts still exist, offering a fascinating chance for comparison with Rutebeuf’s text.    Second, Rutebeuf tells the story of a married female saint.  Elizabeth, daughter of King Andrew II of Hungary, married Louis IV, landgrave of Thuringia.  Elizabeth’s marital status offers great narrative potential:  unlike many female saints, she exhibits much of her spirituality within the bounds of marriage.  My talk will analyze the complexity of this marriage relationship on two levels.  Within his text, Rutebeuf presents a curious tension between Elizabeth and her husband.  Elizabeth continually fears that her husband will hinder her saintly actions, even as her husband steadily and increasingly supports her piety.  More broadly, Rutebeuf distorts the historical record of this couple, often de-emphasizing the spirituality of the husband.  Consequently, Rutebeuf suggests that Elizabeth converts her husband, in contrast with the documented reality of a pious crusading man.  I will argue that Rutebeuf portrays and exaggerates marital tension in this text, both to create an interesting narrative and to enhance Elizabeth’s model as a saint.  This work thus illustrates a fascinating intersection of faith and literature in thirteenth century France. 

8.  Between tradition and change: monastic reform in three fifteenth-century German redactions of the Life of St. Mary of Egypt
Megan Barrett, Indiana University, Department of Germanic Studies

Texts were a cornerstone of the medieval monastic enterprise.  They were present in the shared space of liturgy and in private devotions; they were contemplated at meals, at chapter, in work, in leisure; they determined the parameters of obedience and penance – in short, texts circumscribed the particular vita lived by the given communitas.  It is therefore the witness of monastic history that efforts to reform the vita communa gave rise to an increase of textual production on all levels, liturgical, devotional, organizational, didactic, etc.  But given that the thrust of most reform movements was “getting back to tradition”, reform texts needed to be seen to stand in continuity with “tradition” while simultaneously effecting change. The effort to strike this balance between tradition and change yielded interesting, often dynamic, results in rhetorical strategies and narrative structure. 

The transmission of German vernacular saints’ lives in the fifteenth century – an era marked by reform in virtually every monastic order – provides a case study to see this balancing act at work.  Using the life of St. Mary of Egypt, this paper will consider three different Middle High German versions produced by reform communities and will analyze how the reform ideologies and goals manifest in the texts.  Under consideration will be versions from the widely-read Der Heiligen Leben produced ca. 1400 by the Dominicans, the “Melker Mischtext” composed 1448 by the Benedictine Leonard Preuger, and the Buch von den heiligen Mägden und Frauen composed ca. 1460 by the Cistercian nun Margarethe „Regula“ of Lichtental.

9.  "Reading like a Saint, Reading like a Sinner: Louis IX and Guibert of Tournai's Eruditio Regum et Principum." 
Kevin L. Lord, University of Colorado, Boulder, Department of History

Guibert de Tournai's Eruditio regum et principum was written in 1259 for, and at the behest of, the thirteenth-century "Most Christian" king of France, Louis IX. It has traditionally been regarded as belonging to the genre of "mirrors for princes." Historians have commonly regarded the Eruditio as an unoriginal and uncreative work that is heavily derivative of John of Salisbury's Policraticus and Vincent de Beauvais's Speculum doctrinae. Much of this analysis was based on a cursory reading of the text that eschewed looking past Guibert's borrowing of his framework from earlier works to his actual goal.

I argue that unlike John of Salisbury and Vincent de Beauvais, who sought to write largely theoretical texts, Guibert's text was aimed specifically at producing a vision of ideal kingship that spoke directly to the primary audience of his treatise - King Louis IX. Guibert's choice of themes, his discussion, and - at one point - explicit discussion of the King's failed crusade to Egypt, all suggest a text intended to evoke the king's sense of penitential guilt, through the treatise's hortatory and sometimes chiding tone, and to validate his mission to rule in almost saint-like fashion by urging princely models of responsibility that in fact closely resemble Louis's own royal agenda. Thus, unlike the purely didactic mirrors for princes, Guibert's text is intended as a complex blend of panegyric and rebuke, subtly praising Louis's style of rule while urging him to further Christian perfection. Far from being an uncreative and derivative work, then, I suggest that Guibert's Eruditio represents a singular text meant to serve, quite literally, as a textual mirror of Louis IX.

10.  Malik ibn Al-Murahhal’s “Religion Has Called for Your Support” as an Example of the Theory of Persuasive Speech
Mustafa BinMayaba, Indiana University Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures

Poetry in classical and medieval Arabic history served multiple roles. It had been used to perform social, political and ritual functions.  In the realm of persuasion, the poet employed his poetic artistry to influence and shape the attitudes and behaviors of his audience. Unlike other types of poetry, however, that were measured by the eloquence of the text itself, the success of a persuasive poem was gauged by the audience’s reception of the message being delivered. Indeed, perhaps one of the most successful persuasive poets was Malik ibn al-Murahhal (d.1289 C.E.), who recited his poem “Religion Has Called for Your Support” in the mosque of Al-Karaouine in 1263 C.E., and succeeded in convincing many people of Fez to cross the Strait of Gibraltar in order to support the people of Granada who were in desperate need of assistance.
In my presentation, I will clarify how Ibn al-Murahhal’s poem, structurally, supports Michel Le Nid’s “Theory of the Persuasive Communication” that he discusses in his book L'état Annonceur Technique (The State Technical Advertiser).  I will argue that one of the primary elements that convinced the lay Moroccan people of Fez to fight for people of Granada was the poem's inclusion of the three steps of Le Nid’s theory: promoting awareness; legislation, and tracking the message.  In short, Le Nid’s theory can help us understand why Ibn al-Murahhal’s inciting elegy succeeded in its task while other poets such as Ibn Sahl al-Israeli (d. 1251 C.E.) in his "Go for Water with a Guarantee of Success" and Abu al-Baqa al-Rundî (d. 1285 C.E.) in his "Everything Declines After Reaching Perfection" failed in inspiring the populace to action, and garnering much needed support.

11.  Threads of Jewish thought and imagery in the writings of Teresa de Cartagena
Jillian M. Striker, University of Texas at Austin, Department of Spanish and Portuguese
Teresa de Cartagena was the granddaughter of Pablo de Santa Maria, formerly Solomon Ha-Levi, one of the most prominent rabbis in Spain. The family converted to Christianity in 1390 and rose to prominence in the Catholic church soon after conversion. This paper investigates the extent to which Jewish philosophy influenced the writings and ideas of Pablo's descendents, namely Teresa, who wrote Arboleda de los Enfermos and Admiracion Operum Dei. Both works contain some evidence that her thoughts were influenced by the philosophies of her uncle Alonso, bishop of Palencia and of Burgos, who wrote in favor of the conversos. Alonso sought to reconcile Christians to Jews by interpreting Christianity as the fulfillment of Judaism, not its antithesis. Teresa's own philosophies do not seem to be far from her uncle's, as her interpretations of God's relationship to the infirm draws largely from Jewish tradition. Further evidence in Teresa's writing suggests that she combines Catholic and Jewish imagery, scripture, and philosophy to formulate her own ideas. She certainly drew from the traditions of both her heritage and the prevailing ideas of the time period in which she lived, and neither side should be ignored when considering her works.

12.  The Cid of the Historia Roderici
Taylor Carrington Leigh, Brown University, Department of Hispanic Studies

Scholars of medieval Iberia have tended to approach the Historia Roderici (ca. 1185) with a degree of caution. This text in Latin, probably the most historically reliable account of the life of the Cid, provides us insight into the development of the Cidian legend, a theme that has provoked innumerable scholarly debates over the last century. Concern with the Historia Roderici has rightly been given to its possible influence on the celebrated Poema de Mio Cid (ca. 1200), a text that, despite its eccentricities, has been generally accepted as the Castilian epic per excellence. Historically, Neotraditionalist scholars have roundly rejected an influence of the former over the latter; certain Individualists, on the other hand, have convincingly illustrated the connections between the two texts based on structural and lexical parallels. No one, however, has sufficiently examined and analyzed similarities of ideology.
In this paper, I establish ideological connections between these two texts based upon a character analysis of the hero. I question the novelty of certain character traits found in the Poema, instead arguing that these can be directly traced to the Historia. This line of questioning has profound implications regarding the composition and dating of the original version of the Poema and, more generally, the contingent nature of medieval scribal practices.

While consciously avoiding the heated partisanship that has, at times, characterized Cidian scholarship, I conclude that the “author” of the Poema was indeed influenced by the characterization of the Cid in the Historia. This ideological link suggests that the “author” of the Poema was literate, which, in turn, complicates the theory of oral transcription.

13.  Vestiges of Cantares de Gesta in the Alfonsine Retelling of the Legend of Bernardo del Carpio
Katherine Oswald,  University of Wisconsin-Madison,  Department of Spanish and Portuguese

One of the principal characteristics distinguishing the medieval Castilian epic from that of other European traditions is the small number of extant epic poems – only three have survived, and none in its entirety. At the same time, there is a significant conservation of epic tales in other literary forms, such as medieval chronicles and fifteenth- and sixteenth-century short ballads.

The legend of Bernardo del Carpio is among various epic tales recounted in the Estoria de España, a thirteenth-century chronicle directed by Alfonso X.The king’s chroniclers base their version of the legend on two thirteenth-century Latin chronicles, Lucas de Tuy’s Chronicon mundi and Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada’s De rebus Hispaniae, at times directly citing their sources. Additionally, on five occasions, the chroniclers reference cantares and fablas (“songs” and “tales”) about the hero, which are now presumed to be lost. Of these five references to the cantares, four occur during episodes not presented in the Latin versions of the legend. The Estoria de España also includes other episodes not mentioned in the Latin texts, though without a mention of the cantares.

In this presentation I will analyze the influence of the cantares de gesta on the Alfonsine retelling of the legend of Bernardo del Carpio, giving special consideration to the episodes not related in the Latin chronicles, and which do not reference the cantares. While addressing possible traces of the cantares, I will compare the narrative style and techniques of the chronistic version of the legend with those of the extant Castilian epic poetry, and will discuss specific features of the plot in relation to other epic tales, considering the influence of epic poetry in general and of cantares specific to Bernardo del Carpio on the Alfonsine account of the legend.

14. Cædmon and the Colonizing of Anglo-Saxon Identity
Cooper Childers, Marshall University, Department of History

The story of Cædmon, arguably the best known of Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (731 C.E.), functions within present scholarly discourse as the founding moment of English poetry.  This paper argues several key issues involving both the narrative and textual history of Cædmon (c. 681) that claim this episode participates within a discursive struggle that touches upon the nodes of the cultures of literacy in seventh and eighth-century Britain.  The “miracle” of Cædmon, the fantastic transformation from cowherd to gifted poet, engages not only the transition of the individual Anglo-Saxon from a lay to a monastic identity, but the story also constitutes a commentary upon the uses of orality within a culture that increasingly incorporated views of literacy derived from written discourses of the Mediterranean world.  Though knowledge of the precise conditions surrounding the composition Cædmon’s narrative remains inexact, Bede’s text confronts and re-appropriates the mode of oral poetic composition prevalent among early medieval Germanic cultures in order to recast not only the content but the method of that composition within a discursive framework privileging Latin Christianity and the written as means of cultural re-inscription.  Bede’s Latin “translation” of “Cædmon’s Hymn” as well as the vernacular scribal versions of the “Hymn” in both the Northumbrian and West Saxon manuscript traditions attest the desire for writing’s primacy – but this concern forms part of a larger colonizing impulse present in Bede’s history that ultimately sought an active reconstitution of Anglo-Saxon identity in light of Britain’s relationships to the continental Christian world.

15.  “With One Voice”: Memory, Chant, and the Performance of Christian Identity
Jordan Baker, University of Tenessee-Knoxville, Department of Musicology

Much scholarship concerning the emergence of Gregorian chant centers on what kind of cultural framework likely gave rise to this particular music, often centering on the culturally latent methods by which chant was created and transmitted.  Influential scholars such as Kenneth Levy, Leo Treitler and James McKinnon have contributed much to these debates and continue to shape our approach to what has been called the “central question” of Gregorian chant. Though clearly vital, this approach often misses the inverse question: what was the purpose of Gregorian chant within the cultural framework of the Middle Ages? What impetus lies behind the methods that caused such a unique repertoire of music to be born? As scholars like Mary Carruthers have suggested, answering these questions first requires understanding the importance of the art of memory (ars memorativa) to the medieval mind. Rather than a mere conceptual tool, the practice of memorial art grounds the orientation of a medieval subject to reality itself; memory becomes the necessary medium through which a medieval person performs his identity. 

This paper approaches Gregorian chant from an interdisciplinary perspective that incorporates reading of medieval (Mary Carruthers), musical (Richard Crocker), and theoretical (Maurice Halbwachs) scholarship.  In particular, I extend Carruthers’ approach to posit Gregorian chant as a site of a kind of “corporate memory” that is expressed through musical performance; as such, the emergence of Gregorian chant is directly tied to the concept of cultural memory.  Further, I interpret this repertory as a Frankish-Roman project concerned with performatively constructing a corporate “body,” both enacted by and identified through the chant repertory. 

16.  Zayn al-Dīn-i Tāybādī and the Construction of Sacred Space in Khurāsān
John Dechant, Indiana University Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures

For a hagiography, constructing sacred space can be a way to establish and celebrate the cult of the writer’s particular saint.  Such is the case for the anonymously written, untitled hagiography of the Sufi Zayn al-Dīn-i Tāybādī (d. 1389), who is sometimes known as one of Tamerlane's shaykhs.  This work, which exists in a unique and until now unexamined manuscript, depicts the region of Khurāsān as a sacred space defined by its deceased saints and their shrines.  Real power in Khurāsān is held by the region’s saints, such as eighth Shī'a Imam, ‘Alī b. Mūsā al-Riżā (d. 818), Abū Ẕarr-i Būzjānī (d. 977), and Aḥmad-i Jām (d. 1141), all of whose spirits take an active interest in the welfare of the people of the region.  Tāybādī starts out as a reclusive Sufi unconcerned with worldly affairs who makes frequent pilgrimages to the shrines of the region.  He comes to receive spiritual training from Aḥmad-i Jām, who directs him to “the Sulṭān of Khurāsān” in Mashhad, ‘Alī b. Mūsā, who makes Tāybādī his intercessor in Khurāsān.  The hagiography from there on out portrays Tāybādī as the custodian of ethical rule in the region and the guardian of it’s saints’ families, in particular the descendants of Aḥmad-i Jām.  In introducing this manuscript to scholarly attention, I intend to both further explore how else the anonymous author constructed the region of Khurāsān as a sacred space through the the historical memory of Tāybādī.  Secondly, by comparing it to other, more well-known contemporary sources, I will investigate to what extent the hagiographer’s arguments fit into the prevalent understanding of Khurāsān in the Late Middle Period.

17.  An Exploration of the Sculpted Portals at Sainte Marie Madeleine in Vézelay
Elizabeth Lastra, University of Pennsylvania, Department of the History of Art

For generations, the tripartite program of sculpted tympana at Sainte Marie Madeleine in Vézelay has been a focal point of much debate. The abbey church possesses the largest tympanum of its time, with a central portal flanked by two figural tympana, a medieval first. Emile Male postulates that the central scene represents the descent of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost, while Abel Fabre argues for an Ascension, with the ethnographic archivolt figures indicating a Christ bestowing the Mission on the apostles. More recently, Peter Low proposed a visualization of Paul’s Epistle to the Ephesians.
While studies on the church have been entirely dominated by iconological interpretations, a new, more social approach could be fruitful, especially considering the tumultuous history of both the abbey and the surrounding town. In 1120, during the young Peter the Venerable’s tenure as prior, the church was consumed by a great fire. The catastrophe killed twelve hundred people and necessitated construction of a new nave program. Peter became abbot of the powerful monastic house Cluny during the years of the program’s design and construction. He was also a noted scholar of the book of Isaiah, a fact that is highly significant, as themes from Isaiah can account for a number of details left unexplained by the common Pentecost interpretation. This paper will argue that, with Peter as designer of Vézelay’s program, sculpture was utilized as an iconographical tool to ideologically explain the devastating fire, as well as to promote the abbey as a premier pilgrimage church and to reestablish Sainte Marie Madeleine as a stronghold of Cluniac teachings.

18.  Anselm’s "Fitting Reasons": Beauty and Vision in Cur Deus Homo
Krista Lynae Rodkey, Indiana University, Department of Philosophy

“No one paints on water or in the air, since no traces of the picture would remain”—so says Anselm’s trusty interlocutor Boso in Cur Deus Homo. Concerned that Anselm’s strategy of using beauty as a guide to truth is fundamentally misguided, Boso objects that no matter how successfully Anselm demonstrates the ‘indescribable beauty” of the incarnation, this will not prove its actuality and will seem mere “painting on a cloud.”

Boso’s concern that beauty is no guide to truth is shared by contemporary scholars. Yet though Anselm is clear that his purpose is to explain the incarnation in terms of both necessary and fitting (conveniens) reasons, it is not clear how these fitting reasons should be understood. As introduced by Anselm, they seem to rely on aesthetic considerations, but given worries about beauty’s usefulness for inferring truth, one popular strategy for Anselm interpreters has been to find within Anselm’s notion of fittingness a non-aesthetic component that can replace it. I evaluate several attempts to use this strategy and show that the replacements fail either to do the work Anselm requires of fittingness or to fully escape aesthetic considerations.

Anselm’s project is fully committed to an aesthetic notion of fittingness, but this commitment is not as problematic as his critics imagine. I evaluate the objections facing Anselm: cultural differences in perceiving beauty, skepticism that human and divine appreciation of beauty will align, and skepticism about the existence of maximally beautiful states of affairs. I conclude that, given his other philosophical commitments and seen in light of a Platonic aesthetic theory, Anselm has reason for optimism. I also argue the Anselmian practice of seeking and appreciating beauty, connected with his doctrine of rectitude of will, gives Anselm additional justification for his aesthetic program as a strategy for repairing the will.

19.  Spinning Chartres: Interpreting Images of Textile Labor on the Transept Sculpture of Chartres Cathedral
Meg Bernstein, Yale  University, Institute of Sacred Music

Six female figures on the archivolt of the eastern portal of the north facade of Chartres Cathedral engage in the active pursuit of processing fiber for weaving; six of their counterparts embody the contemplative life by reading and praying.  This figural group been largely untouched by analysis, but is of great interest considering the importance of textiles for Chartres, both in the city's production of cloth and in the famous relic enshrined in the cathedral, the tunic of the Virgin.  This paper provides a more detailed analysis of these figures and considers apocryphal knowledge of the Virgin, the devotion to the relic of Chartres, and the status of textile production as an activity for women in the Middle Ages to provide a more holistic analysis of the archivolt itself and the portal as a whole.

20. Faces from the Past: Reinterpreting the Mosaic Portraits of Aquileia
Daniel C. Cochran, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Department of Art History

This paper re-examines the colorful, expressive, and carefully placed mosaic busts found in the south hall of the basilica at Aquileia, a powerful political and religious center in late antiquity and the early-middle ages.  Discovered by accident in 1909, the magnificent mosaic pavement is unique among the remains of early-Christian art in terms of its date (the early fourth century), enormous size, and artistic content.  Attempts at providing a single interpretation for the entire pavement have focused on either the enormous seascape panel (which includes three scenes from the story of Jonah) found in the eastern sanctuary or the much smaller image of the Good Shepherd in the southern aisle.  Few historians, however, have attempted to connect these impressive scenes with the rest of the mosaic program that fills the other eight bays of the south hall.  While the Jonah mosaic was restricted to the clergy and the image of the Good Shepherd is located in a narrow aisle, the most prominent mosaics are of sixteen unidentified figures.  These busts are found in the three most visible bays of the hall: the two bays near the entrance to the church and the central bay of the nave.

Contrary to traditional interpretations, I argue that the busts are not portraits of donors nor are they to be identified as the imperial family of Constantine, as Heinz Kähler has famously asserted.  I suggest instead that the mosaics more closely resemble the portraiture associated with Roman sarcophagi and early Christian funerary art.  These busts therefore served a commemorative function and effectively united the living community with its deceased ancestors to create a local communal identity.  This interpretation finds support in the most recent and convincing studies of the Jonah seascape by scholars such as Pier Franco Beatrice and Margo Stroumsa-Uzan, thereby suggesting a single theme that guided the construction of the mosaic pavement.

21.  The Language of Benefaction in the Writings of Libanius
Kyle Grothoff, Indiana University, Department of Classical Studies

This paper examines how the fourth-century Antiochene rhetor Libanius uses terminology associated with benefaction, specifically terms involving the base euerg-. The main aim is to delineate the semantic field in which these terms are operating. Investigation of this field, once established, reveals that, while the parameters of what constitutes a benefaction are fairly transparent, Libanius is consistently less articulate about the nature of the relationships predicated on such acts. This disparity between the act and the relationship is mirrored by a stark distinction in his use of the words euergesia “benefaction” and euergetēs “benefactor.” The latter appears in a hyperbolic or overtly sarcastic context in nearly forty-percent of the passages where it appears. Instances of euergesia, on the other hand, are universally positive and usually unambiguous. Since euergetēs has a closer connection to the idea of a relationship, the greater flexibility of this term should be considered in conjunction with Libanius’ tendency to be notably less articulate about the relationship between benefactor and beneficiary. The coincidence of these two phenomena suggests that the parameters of the relationship restricted the precise articulation of its dynamics. Since selflessness is fundamental to the idea of benefaction, it is unsurprising to find that once a relationship has been established by benefaction both parties are restricted in their ability to express expectations in the future. Mutual obligation and reciprocity were understood, but the very dynamic of the relationship required delicacy and tact in its execution. Libanius’ use of benefaction terminology reflects this state of affairs, while also revealing his skill at navigating the complex contours of socio-political power in the Eastern Roman Empire during the fourth-century. 

22.  The Nuns of Hohenbourg Abbey as Ulysses' Crew in the Hortus Deliciarum
Kelly Bevin Butler, University of North Texas, Department of Art History

Among the three images of Sirens in the Hortus Deliciarum, one image depicts Ulysses' encounter with the seductresses.  This image of Ulysses and the Sirens is the only known drawing of the topic created in the twelfth century, as many scholars studying the Hortus have noted.   Through thorough examination of the history of Herrad and the Hortus Deliciarum, the educational fervor presented in the Hortus, the tradition of Sirens in the middle ages, and their role in the Odyssey, this paper will present a new interpretation of the reasons behind the inclusion of this rare image within Herrad's Hortus Deliciarum.  It is the thesis of this paper that Herrad of Landsberg included the image of the Sirens as a metaphor for the preparation that the nuns of Hohenbourg Abbey received while studying the Hortus, an education that equipped them to resist earthly temptations.

In the ancient text Ulysses' crew prepared for the temptation of the Sirens with beeswax in their ears, thereby blocking the sound of the sweet song and tempting prospects offered by these women.  The use of beeswax as a defense recalls the preface of the Hortus where Herrad refers to herself as the “little bee.”  Herrad has cast herself as having created, like a bee creates beeswax, the saving grace of her crew, the nuns, in the face of temptation.

Given Herrad's attitude toward education as integral to intellectual debates and her desire that her nuns contribute to the discourse of theology, scholars agree that the Hortus was constructed as Herrad's attempt to prepare the nuns of Hohenbourg with a satisfactory education.  I further this idea by suggesting that the image of Ulysses and the Sirens within the Hortus Deliciarum is meant as a metaphor for the nuns defeating dissenting opinions through their employment of Herrad's preparatory text.

23.  “Simile Lordura,” Altra Bolgia: Usurpation through Conflation in Inferno 26
Leah Schwebel, University of Connecticut, Department of English

Near the opening of Inferno 26, when Dante nearly tumbles into a pit in his desire to see Ulysses, Virgil introduces the ancient hero with the following words:
      E dentro da la lor fiamma si geme
      l'agguato del caval che fé la porta
      onde uscì de' Romani il gentil seme.
      Piangevisi entro l'arte per che, morta,
      Deidamìa ancor si duol d'Achille,
      e del Palladio pena vi si porta  ( Inferno 26, 58-63).
As Virgil explains it, Ulysses is punished for his involvement in three acts: the fraud of the Trojan Horse, the discovery of Achilles, and the theft of the Palladium. However, as has long been recognized, Virgil’s explanation neither points toward a clear subdivision of fraud that would then illuminate Ulysses’s particular peccato, nor does Virgil limit himself to a single textual source or tradition of Ulysses. Instead, in this prefatory statement, Virgil yokes together multiple accounts of the hero, including his own Aeneid, Statius’ Achilleid, Ovid’s Metamorphoses, Heroides, and Tristia, and Guido delle Colonne’s Historia. Much like the forked flame that he inhabits, Dante’s Ulysses contains multitudes.
In this paper, I will argue that Dante’s ambiguity in his characterization of Ulysses is contrived. Rather than craft his Ulysses from a specific source or develop him out of a cohesive, textual tradition, Dante unites paradigmatic, yet incongruous accounts of the hero, precisely in a way that exacerbates the differences among them. He thereby exposes the very fault lines that divide his sources in the first place for our scrutiny and pleasure. In the wake of this narrative chaos, Dante creates order and unity. His Ulysses, who rises from the rubble of Dante’s inchoate sources a brilliant and cohesive vision, not only bookends the character’s literary odyssey, but he also functions as a palimpsest through which we can recall his complex literary lineage even as it is erased and rewritten, with Dante’s original account of him standing at the fore of this tradition.

24. The Economics of Lady Mede’s Agency in The Vision of Piers the Plowman
David W. Sweeten, The Ohio State University, Department of English

In Passus II-IV of William Langland’s The Vision of Piers the Plowman, various agents attempt to obtain, coerce, and manipulate Lady Mede. Fals attempts to marry Mede in order to spread his domain, the judges that enter her bower encourage Mede to champion harmful business policies, and the King wishes to marry Lady Mede to Conscience to ensure she can still be used in the interest of the kingdom. Any discussion of Lady Mede in Piers Plowman is thus complicated by her simultaneous role as an object of sexual commodification, as the embodiment of mede, and as a woman. Particularly, in Passus III Conscience attacks both Mede’s gender and her potential to corrupt the court, at times stressing the former as the most egregious fault. Diane Cady argues that the correlation of Lady Mede’s gender to the exchange of mede reduces Mede’s agency, Passus II-IV serving as a warning “that women, like money, are likely to wander if they are not controlled by society” (“The Gender of Money” 19). This paper will closely consider Lady Mede’s association with money and exchange but will challenge Cady’s perspective. While other agents use the process of exchange against Mede, she takes control of this process in Passus III to obtain agency for a short time. In her debate with Conscience, Lady Mede reappropriates her sexually commodified state to counter Conscience’s arguments and dictate the exchange and dissemination of her own sexual goods. This paper will argue that rather than being controlled by the process of sexual commodification Lady Mede uses the correlation of gender, money, and sex to counter Conscience’s attempts to discount her place in the court and, in so doing, her agency.

25.  “I See Red”: Language of Blood and Femininity in Táin Bó Cúilange
Elizabeth Kempton, Saint Louis University, Department of English

The early Irish epic Táin Bó Cúilange presents a series of anxieties about gender and gender inversion.  This paper will explore the ways in which these anxieties are played out as two women interact before a battle.   As Medb, queen of Connacht, arrays her troops she is approached by Fedelm, a female seer.  Fedelm engages Mebd in a strangely lyrical and lengthy prophecy foretelling the demise of Medb’s army. 

As Anne Dooley points out, this conversation is unique in early Irish literature.  Not only because the women discuss Cú Chulainn with sexual desire, but also because they speak of the impeding battle in terms which are traditionally masculine sources of authority—the marital and the mystical.  Fedelm’s mystical prophecy and Mebd’s attempted martial interpretations rely heavily on a language of blood, which is simultaneously the blood of injured warriors and menstrual blood.  This paper will explore the anxieties and questions that are raised by this mingling of gendered archetypes of blood.  The two women explore, but fail to resolve, some of the text’s crucial questions surrounding the authority of women and masculine anxieties about the female body on the battlefield.

By recognizing moments such as these within the Táin, we can see that the Táin possesses a deeply ambiguous and at times self-contradictory tone regarding the authority of women.  I do not propose to “answer” the question of female authority within the Táin but rather to use this textual moment to illustrate the complexity within the Táin as it grabbles with a world of inversions, where women bleed on the battlefield and men fall victim to labor pains.

26.  From Magic to Maleficium: The Crafting of Witchery in Late Medieval Text
Rochelle E. Rojas, Duke University, Department of History

Since its birth, the Christian church has been bedeviled by magical beliefs and practices. While this tension did not manifest its virulence until the witch hunts of the fifteenth through the eighteenth centuries, the theoretical shift in notions of magic and heresy, which enabled its materialization, began in the thirteenth century. As the connection between magical practices and diabolical pacts was formed, a concept of witchcraft as necessarily heretical emerged. Fueling this definition were notions of maleficium, or evil deeds, and the shifting ascription of sorcery from male to female. A decisive text which marked a turning point in demonological thought is the Formicarius by the Dominican Johannes Nider, composed circa 1435. Nider's work connected magic with maleficium and women in a single text, an approach copied in the Malleus Maleficarum half a century later. The question driving my research is: How did the Formicarius forge the links between magic, and maleficium, and women? Further, what role did the gendering of witchcraft have in wedding it to diabolical practices, and therefore, heresy? I approach Nider's text through a careful reading, situating it within the demonological corpus in which it was composed, and I seek to analyze the connections between his anecdotes of maleficium and the susceptibility of women. Examining his gendered paradigm and descriptions of maleficium, I argue that once witchcraft was feminized, a diabolical pact became necessary in magical practices, as it was inconceivable for women to exert power without external, and demonic, assistance. Indeed, as magic morphed into female witchcraft it likewise became inherently heretical. This paper will elucidate the importance of the interdependency among maleficium, gender, heresy and church doctrine in the cauldron of witch fears which bubbled forth in the late middle ages and boiled over in the early modern world.

27.  Defiance and Devotion: The Role of the Jews of Huesca in the Royal Struggle for Power and Authority
Alana Lord, University of Florida, Department of History

In 1377, a Christian thief confessed under torture to selling the sacred Host to the Jewish community of Huesca, an admission that led to a succession of trials and ultimately to the castration, quartering, and burning of the thief and at least three Jews. During these proceedings, which the Infante John I of Aragon zealously oversaw, he and his father King Pedro IV exchanged a series of letters revealing their opposing approaches to and perception of the kingdom’s Jews. While the king rebuffed his son’s hostile actions in Huesca and sought to halt investigations against the town’s well-established Jewish community, John prolonged the trials and attempted to justify his persecutory exploits with religious convictions.

The events and attitudes recorded in these letters prompt an investigation into why Pedro described the Jews of Huesca in purely secular terms and John portrayed them in an exclusively religious manner. Moreover, the tension and anxiety conveyed by both father and son concerning the continuation or cessation of the trials elicits the question of what was at stake for the king and the prince in this matter. Previous scholarship has suggested that contemporary religious movements and youthful fervor influenced John’s rebellious behavior. Instead, this paper argues that when placed within the social, economical, and political context of the second half of the fourteenth century, the actions and perceptions illustrated in the letters depict a momentous power struggle between father and son. Thus, the Jews of Huesca were much more than historical participants in an obscure religious controversy, they were the means through which Pedro sought to retain control and authority and John attempted to procure influence for himself within the medieval kingdom of Aragon.

28.  “Presence through Absence, Power through Negation: An Iconographic Study of the Invention of the Cross in a Breviary of Duchess Margaret of Bavaria”
Elizabeth Sandoval, The Ohio State University, Department of the History of Art

Why represent the Invention of the Cross as a Veneration of the Cross with the arma Christi? Contrary to what its title suggests, the manuscript illumination of the Invention on folio 288v in the Breviary of John the Fearless, made sometime between 1411 and 1419, does not show Helena or any historical context of the discovery of the True Cross. Indeed, this heretofore unanalyzed image does not depict any narrative, but upholds iconic conventions. Whatever the motivation, the image resonates absence and presence, power and humility by engaging aesthetic inquiry and serving a devotional function in the context of a breviary more than likely made for the Duke’s wife, Margaret of Bavaria. At first glance, the angels' radiant gowns and wings and even the sparkling weapons allow the viewer to indulge in this glorious image, and to spiral into a secular reading of Margaret’s exertion of power through art and piety. Indeed, Margaret may have commissioned this prayer book just after her husband’s murder. However, the image’s focus on materiality may trigger its meditational use and complicated analysis, particularly through St. Augustine’s three-fold vision theory. The crown of thorns, as arma and referent to the sacred Eucharist, is key to these multiple readings. Such an approach with this image requires the viewer’s presence through its choice absences. Similarly, it evokes Christ’s presence through the instruments of his sacrifice, while also summoning the memory of Margaret’s precious relic of the True Cross. This study aims to illuminate this late medieval female sovereign’s intense devotion to Christ, a devotion different than that of contemporary privileged women in its restrained fervor. Ultimately, the illumination invites Margaret’s participation and active contemplation, reflecting her financial and spiritual investments in the religious economy with the aim to one day truly see the face of God.

29.  Consecrare ac coronare hominem huiusmodi deberemus? Gregorian Politics and the German Succession, 1198-1211
Andrew Steck,  Villanova University, Department of History

The Gregorian revolution of the eleventh century was one of the greatest theological and political upheavals of the Middle Ages.  The influence of the discussion about kingship and the nature of authority continued past 1122 and the Concordat of Worms, which is the traditionally accepted “end” of this conflict much like 476 is the dogmatic year for the fall of the Roman Empire.  Its direct effects can be clearly traced through the reign of Frederick Barbarossa (1152-1190) and even into the mid-thirteenth century. 

This paper proposes to use the intellectual framework of the Gregorian revolution to examine the opening stages of the succession crisis of the German Empire from 1198-1211, a crisis which began nearly eighty years after Worms.  Many scholars, including such notable historians as Geoffrey Barraclough and Johann Haller, dismiss Pope Innocent III’s arbitration in this conflict as nothing more than a cold-blooded grab for territorial power.  While this dominant model is not entirely incorrect, considerations of the Papal States have concerned historians far more than examining the Gregorian aspects of the papal arbitration.  Though Innocent shows all the hallmarks of Gregorianism, such a thematic approach has been dismayingly neglected in the historiography of this period.  This paper will fill such a need by examining the Gregorian theoretical underpinnings of the arbitration of the German succession crisis.

30.  Geisserlieder: A Harmonious Chorus in a Dissonant Movement
Sarah E. McAfoose, Indiana University, School of Library Science, Music Librarianship

Music has long been a signifier of social class: the upper class with secular dance and chamber music, the religious order with sacred music, and the peasant lower class with folk music.  During two major upheavals in the medieval era, these lines blurred when a group of religious fanatics emerged.  The flagellants, who roamed the streets whipping themselves, cried out for retribution from God in song for moral corruption and the Black Plague.  These songs, known as Geisslerlieder (literally whip-songs), bear a likeness to the popular German folk song of the time, though the flagellants were generally from the upper and mercantile classes.  Thus, the shared mentality of penance provokes an almost devolution of culture to a more base level, placing these extremists on the bottom rung of the cultural ladder through their music.

This paper seeks to shed light on these Geisslerlieder, as well as the flagellants themselves, using the music to draw parallels between the classes during these dark periods of the medieval era.  Utilizing German primary sources as well as more recent recordings of these songs, an analysis both of text and structure can be accomplished, along with a greater cultural analysis of the flagellant group.

31.  Women, men and poverty in 14th and 15th century Montpellier
Lucie Laumonier, Université de Sherbrooke and Université Montpellier 3, Department of History

Gender studies invite medievalists to reassess the history of poverty. Sharon Famer highlighted the fact that Christian definition of feminine and masculine influenced the institutional and societal perception of the poor, creating a gendered differentiation of poverty. In the archives, work and physical disability are much more related to masculinity, whereas widowhood, motherhood and marital status are linked to femininity. Tax registers, the testamentary practice and charity archives of the French city Montpellier sketch the mental and social environment of the daily life of poor men and women. Archives show that the designation of individuals and their social status reveal differences between the feminine and the masculine standards of poverty. Nevertheless, charity’s organization and management demonstrate that the specificity of Montpellier, not only the Christian definition of gender, influenced the perception and treatment of poverty. This paper Firstly will draw an assessment of poverty in the society, whilst a great crisis struck and economy slowly recovers, later in the 1450’s. The place of women and men among the poor will then take us to discuss the different levels of poverty and gendered poverty as defined by the city council. Institutional and individual charity reflects a particular attachment and a greater commitment to peculiar groups, clearly distinguished by the sex of their members.

32.  “The City and Man” in Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales and Shakespeare’s Richard III
Russell L. Keck, Purdue University, Department of English

While much scholarly attention has been given to the pilgrims (and pilgrimage) of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, their connection to two of the most important cities of England (London and Canterbury) has remained for the most part a peripheral concern. My paper therefore seeks to examine the political and social relationship between Chaucer’s pilgrims and the cities with which they identify themselves. Drawing upon Leo Strauss’s study of classical political philosophy in The City and Man, I argue first that Chaucer’s pilgrims, albeit in a liminal space between cities, function as a synecdoche of an idealized city, which, according to Strauss, “is the most comprehensive and highest [form of] society since it aims at the highest and most comprehensive good at which any society can aim,” and, second, that their society reflects the Aristotelian virtue ascribed to the political nature of the city—that is, the classical concept of the city as the (divine) source for social and, by extension, personal happiness.
Moreover, Chaucer’s pilgrims exemplify, especially in their tale-telling, the city’s promotion of individual striving, which is both “competitive” and “cooperative” with its egalitarian concern for the state. However, I also posit that Chaucer’s pilgrims anticipate the modern sense of political society in that they privilege the private over the public and the values of the individual over those of the state.
I conclude by demonstrating how Chaucer’s treatment of the city develops in and intersects with Shakespeare’s first successful play, Richard III. Like Chaucer, Shakespeare creates competing narratives between the divine quality of London's political sphere, coupled with its emphasis on social concord, and the city's ability to foster individual ambition, both of which expose and, implicitly, challenge Richard’s infamous rise to power.

33.  “That is a Long Preamble of a Tale”: Mobile Narratives in Fragment III of the Canterbury Tales
Chelsea Avirett, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Department of English

In Fragment III of The Canterbury Tales, the Friar interrupts the Wife of Bath’s prologue to complain that her “preamble” is too long. Scholars have routinely read this interruption as simply an assertion of his fraternal duty to control how texts are interpreted, ignoring that the Friar coins the word preamble. With this neologism, the Friar alludes to a significant theme in the Wife of Bath’s prologue: her attempt to escape domestic enclosures by moving freely, but also to assert — via medieval metaphors that associated authorship with movement — that her mobility legitimately permitted her to interpret texts and to speak authoritatively about them. The Friar’s challenge, then, extends beyond the matter of her text to also critique its mode; he rejects not just her subject matter, but attempts to limit how she has applied mobile metaphors. The Friar by specifically defining the Wife’s narrative as a preamble, connects her text with the movement she championed throughout her prologue, but encloses it within his own gloss. He asserts that because mobility can be a tool to exercise interpretive control, he can interpret the Wife’s prologue. It is the Summoner who unpacks the full meaning of the Friar’s pun when he argues that the Friar should not engage in preambulacioun — in Middle English preambulacioun is the practice of marking the boundaries of a territory. The Summoner articulates that the Friar is not merely critiquing the Wife’s narrative, but is attempting to limit her narrative authority. In this presentation, I argue that this interruption highlights how the three tale-tellers compete to define the limits of their narrative’s authority. They each use mobility as a tool to legitimize their own narrative authority and to limit the ability of others to alter their texts. Mobility becomes a strategy for gaining and maintaining control. 

34.  Transitory Moments: Movement and the Evolving Status of Travel Literature in Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales.
Anna Dow, University of Alberta, Department of English

Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales is most often associated with travel through its presentation as a pilgrimage narrative, and yet the implications behind its travel motifs have never been fully explored. The popularity of mappae mundi and deviant manuscript marginalia in the century preceding Chaucer’s work indicates that in his time there was a steadily growing interest in space and its cultural implications, which in turn allowed the populace to consider their own personal interaction with the world around them. In Chaucer’s case this spatial self-perception is apparent in both the content and framework of his Tales, with particular attention to the concept of movement and the relationship between centres and peripheries. In the “Knight’s Tale” Arcite’s exile forces him into both physical and psychological peripheries, in which the hero begins to adopt monstrous qualities akin to those on the marginal spaces of earlier maps and manuscripts. Displaced boundaries also inhabit the “Man of Law’s Tale,” in which Constance acts as both a narrative and Christian centre, and creates new geographical boundaries around herself as she moves through the narrative spaces of the tale. Chaucer’s attention to motion and space is equally apparent in the framework and reception of his text; the “General Prologue” and later narrative insertions allow the audience to experience a sense of motion in which the pilgrims move through both the narrative space of the text and the physical space of their pilgrimage. In illuminated versions of the Tales portraits of the pilgrim narrators hold precedence over the illustration of narrative content, and thus also create new connections between the ideas of movement that occur within the text and in its reception. Chaucer therefore presents his audience with new innovations in travel literature, in which the reader interacts with the text as a form of literary mobility that functions on both a social and personal level.